War is Not the Answer, Never Was, Never Will 
                                  http://www.ThePortlandAlliance.org/peace
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/21/world/middleeast/pentagon-officials-qualify-panettas-iran-remarks.html?ref=middleeast&pagewanted=print

December 20, 2011

Aides Qualify Panetta's Comments on Iran

By THOM SHANKER

WASHINGTON - An assertion by Defense Secretary Leon E. Panetta that Iran could have a nuclear weapon as soon as next year was based on a highly aggressive timeline and a series of actions that Iran has not yet taken, senior Pentagon officials said Tuesday.

In an interview broadcast Monday on "CBS Evening News," Mr. Panetta was asked whether Iran could have a nuclear weapon in 2012.

"It would be sometime around a year that they would be able to do it," he said. "Perhaps a little less."

Mr. Panetta said the country's ability to become a nuclear-weapons state could be accelerated if there was "a hidden facility somewhere in Iran that may be enriching fuel."

He also restated American policy: that it would be unacceptable for Iran to have nuclear weapons, and that no options, including military action, had been taken off the table to prevent that from happening.

"The United States does not want Iran to develop a nuclear weapon," Mr. Panetta said. "That's a red line for us. And it's a red line, obviously, for the Israelis."

But on Tuesday, George Little, the Pentagon press secretary, said Mr. Panetta's comments should not be taken as a prediction that Iran would have a nuclear weapon within a year.

"The secretary was clear that we have no indication that the Iranians have made a decision to develop a nuclear weapon," Mr. Little said. "He was asked to comment on prospective and aggressive timelines on Iran's possible production of nuclear weapons - and he said if, and only if, they made such a decision. He didn't say that Iran would, in fact, have a nuclear weapon in 2012."

Mr. Little said inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency remained in Iran and had "good access to Iran's continuing production of low-enriched uranium." Should Iran choose to "break out" - diverting low-enriched uranium to produce weapons-grade highly enriched uranium - the inspectors could detect it, Mr. Little said.

"We would retain sufficient time under any such scenario to take appropriate action," he said.

Mr. Panetta's comments and efforts by his senior aides to add nuance and context to those statements show the highly sensitive nature of all public dialogue on Iran's nuclear intentions. The issue is particularly acute as a debate is raging in Israel over whether pre-emptive action is required to prevent Iran from constructing a nuclear weapon, and, if so, how much time remains.
Below are excerpts from Truthout.org

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Pre-War Propaganda Mounting on Iran

By Seymour Hersh, Democracy Now!

22 November 11+

Seymour Hersh: Propaganda used ahead of Iraq War is now being reused over Iran's nuke program.

http://readersupportednews.org/images/stories/alphabet/rsn-W.jpghile the United States, Britain and Canada are planning to announce a coordinated set of sanctions against Iran's oil and petrochemical industry today, longtime investigative journalist Seymour Hersh questions the growing consensus on Iran's alleged nuclear weapons program. International pressure has been mounting on Iran since the U.N. International Atomic Energy Agency revealed in a report the "possible military dimensions" to Iran's nuclear activities, citing "credible" evidence that "indicates that Iran has carried out activities relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive device." In his latest article for The New Yorker blog, titled "Iran and the IAEA," Hersh argues the recent report is a "political document," not a scientific study. "They [JSOC] found nothing. Nothing. No evidence of any weaponization," Hersh says. "In other words, no evidence of a facility to build the bomb. They have facilities to enrich, but not separate facilities to build the bomb. This is simply a fact."

See Interview on this page: http://www.theportlandalliance.org/peace

Guest: Seymour Hersh, Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative journalist at The New Yorker magazine. His latest piece is titled "Iran and the IAEA."

AMY GOODMAN: Today the United States, Britain and Canada plan to announce a coordinated set of sanctions against Iran. ABC News and the Wall Street Journal report the sanctions will target Iran's oil and petrochemical industry. Last weekend, President Obama warned no options were being taken off the table.

PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA: The sanctions have enormous bite and enormous scope, and we're building off the platform that has already been established. The question is, are there additional measures that we can take? And we're going to explore every avenue to see if we can solve this issue diplomatically. I have said repeatedly, and I will say today, we are not taking any options off the table.

AMY GOODMAN: International pressure has been mounting on Iran since the UN International Atomic Energy Agency revealed in a report the, quote, "possible military dimensions" to its nuclear activities. The IAEA said "credible" evidence, quote, "indicates [that] Iran has carried out activities relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive device." The IAEA passed a resolution Friday expressing, quote, "increasing concern" about Iran's nuclear program following the report's findings.

The speaker of Iran's parliament said yesterday Iran would review its relations with the IAEA following the report. Ali Larijani indicated it may be difficult for Iran to continue to cooperate with the nuclear watchdog.

ALI LARIJANI: [translated] If the agency acts within the framework of the Charter, we accept that we are a member of it and will carry out our responsibilities. But if the agency wants to deviate from its responsibilities, then it should not expect the other's cooperation.

AMY GOODMAN: Iranian parliamentary speaker. Meanwhile, some Iranians have expressed the desire for increased cooperation with the IAEA.

SAID BAHRAMI: [translated] Considering the fact that the government has made plenty of clarifications, it would be better for it to expand its cooperation with the IAEA and let them see for themselves, close up, so there would be no pretext for the superpowers.

AMY GOODMAN: Last week, the Pentagon confirmed it has received massive new bunker-busting bombs capable of destroying underground sites, including Iran's nuclear facilities. The 30,000-pound bombs are six times the size of the Air Force's current arsenal of bunker busters.

The new sanctions against Iran also follow last month's allegations by the United States that Iranian officials were involved in a thwarted plot to kill the Saudi ambassador to Washington. The U.S. is expected to announce today that Iran's financial sector is of "primary money-laundering concern." This phrase activates a section of the USA PATRIOT Act that warns European, Asian and Latin American companies they could be prevented from doing business with the United States if they continue to work with Iran.

Well, to talk more about the sanctions and the implications of the IAEA report, we go to Washington, D.C., to speak with Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative journalist Seymour Hersh. He's been reporting on Iran and the bomb for the past decade. His latest piece is titled "Iran and the IAEA." It's in The New Yorker.

Welcome to Democracy Now!, Sy. Talk about what you feel should be understood about what's happening in Iran right now in regards to its nuclear power sector.

SEYMOUR HERSH: Well, you mention, going in - by the way, the piece was in the blog. It wasn't in the magazine; it was on the web page.

But you mentioned Iraq. It's just this - almost the same sort of - I don't know if you want to call it a "psychosis," but it's some sort of a fantasy land being built up here, as it was with Iraq, the same sort of - no lessons learned, obviously. Look, I have been reporting about Iran, and I could tell you that since '04, under George Bush, and particularly the Vice President, Mr. Cheney, we were - Cheney was particularly concerned there were secret facilities for building a weapon, which are much different than the enrichment. We have enrichment in Iran. They've acknowledged it. They have inspectors there. There are cameras there, etc. This is all - Iran's a signatory to the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Nobody is accusing them of any cheating. In fact, the latest report that everybody's so agog about also says that, once again, we find no evidence that Iran has diverted any uranium that it's enriching. And it's also enriching essentially at very low levels for peaceful purposes, so they say, 3.8 percent. And so, there is a small percentage being enriched to 20 percent for medical use, but that's quite small, also under cameras, under inspection.

What you have is, in those days, in '04, '05, '06, '07, even until the end of their term in office, Cheney kept on having the Joint Special Operations Force Command, JSOC - they would send teams inside Iran. They would work with various dissident groups - the Azeris, the Kurds, even Jundallah, which is a very fanatic Sunni opposition group - and they would do everything they could to try and find evidence of an undeclared underground facility. We monitored everything. We have incredible surveillance. In those days, what we did then, we can even do better now. And some of the stuff is very technical, very classified, but I can tell you, there's not much you can do in Iran right now without us finding out something about it. They found nothing. Nothing. No evidence of any weaponization. In other words, no evidence of a facility to build the bomb. They have facilities to enrich, but not separate facilities for building a bomb. This is simply a fact. We haven't found it, if it does exist. It's still a fantasy. We still want to think - many people do think - it does.

The big change was, in the last few weeks, the IAEA came out with a new report. And it's not a scientific report, it's a political document. It takes a lot of the old allegations that had been made over the years, that were looked at by the IAEA, under the regime or the directorship of Mohamed ElBaradei, who ran the IAEA for 12 years, the Egyptian - he won a Nobel Peace Prize for his work - somebody who was very skeptical of Iran in the beginning and became less so as Iran went - was more and more open. But the new director of the IAEA, a Japanese official named Amano, an old sort of - from the center-right party in Japan - I'm sure he's an honorable guy, he believes what he believes. But we happen to have a series of WikiLeak documents from the American embassy in Vienna, one of the embassies in Vienna, reporting on how great it was to get Amano there. This is last year. These documents were released by Julian Assange's group and are quite important, because what the documents say is that Amano has pledged his fealty to America. I understand he was elected as a - he was a marginal candidate. We supported him very much. Six ballots. He was considered weak by everybody, but we pushed to get him in. We did get him in. He responded by thanking us and saying he shares our views. He shares our views on Iran. He's going to be - he's basically - it was just an expression of love. He's going to do what we wanted.

This new report has nothing new in it. This isn't me talking. This is - in the piece I did for the New Yorker blog, it's different for the blog because it has more reporting in it. I talked to former inspectors. They're different voices than you read in the New York Times and the Washington Post. There are other people that don't get reported who are much more skeptical of this report, and you just don't see it in the coverage. So what we're getting is a very small slice in the newspaper mainstream press here of analysis of this report. There's a completely different analysis, which is, very little new.

And the way it works, Amy, is, over the years, a report will show up in a London newspaper, that will turn out to be spurious, turn out to be propaganda, whether started by us or a European intelligence agency - it's not clear. This all happened, if you remember the Ahmed Chalabi stuff, during the buildup to the war in [Iraq], all about, you know, the great arsenals that existed inside [Iraq]. The same sort of propaganda is being used now - pardon me, I have a slight cold - that shows up over the years, over the last decade, in various newspapers. The IAEA would look at it, rule it not to be - be a fabrication, or certainly not to be supportable by anything they know. All of these old reports, with the exception of, I think, in a new study that was put out by the IAEA - there were maybe 30 or 40 old items, with only three things past 2008, all of which are - they - many people inside the IAEA believe to be spurious, not very reliable fabrications. So there you are.

AMY GOODMAN: So, Sy Hersh, you're saying that it's not new information. It's a new head of the IAEA that's making the difference here. Can you talk more about U.S. infiltration of Iran, JSOC in Iran, surveillance, as well, in Iran?

SEYMOUR HERSH: Sure. I mean, the kind of stuff they did. I could tell you stuff that was secret eight, nine years ago. We would - for example, we developed - if there was an underground facility we thought was - where we saw some digging, let's say, in a mountain area, we would line the road, when there were trucks going up and down the road, we would line the road with what seemed to be pebbles. In fact, they were sensors that could measure the weight of trucks going in and out. If a truck would go in light and come out with heavy, we could assume it was coming out with dirt, they were doing digging. We did that kind of monitoring.

We also put all sorts of passive counters, measures, of radioactivity. Uranium, even plutonium - most of the stuff that's being done there is enriched uranium. They're not making plutonium. But you can track. At a certain point, you have to move it. Once you take it out and start moving it around, you can track it. You can find Geiger counters, if you will, to use that old-fashioned term. You can measure radioactivity and see increases. We would go into a building, our troops, sometimes even with Americans, go into a building in Tehran, where we thought there was something fishy going on, start a disturbance down the street, take out a few bricks, slam in another section of brick with a Geiger counter, if you will, or a measuring device to see if, in that building, they were doing some enrichment we didn't know about.

And we also have incredible competence at looking for air holes from the air, from satellites. If you're building an underground facility, you have to vent it. You have to get air into it. You have to find a way to remove bad air and put in fresh air. And so, we have guys that are experts, tremendous people in the community. Some of them retired and set up a private company to do this. They would monitor all of the aerial surveillance to look for air holes, so we could find a pattern, try to find a pattern, of an underground facility. Nada.We came up with nothing.

And the most important thing is, we also - and the IA - even this new report also says - let me emphasize this: if you're not diverting uranium, if you're not taking uranium out of the count and smuggling it someplace so that you can build a bomb - and that, the IAEA is absolutely categorical on - everything that they are enriching, whatever percentage they enrich to, is under camera inspection, and under inspection of inspections. It's all open, under the treaty, the safeguard treaty. Nobody is accusing Iran of violating the treaty. They're just accusing them of cheating on the side, or some evidence they are. And there's been no evidence of a diversion. So if you're going to make a bomb, you're going to have to bring it in from someplace else. And given the kind of surveillance we have, that's going to be hard to do, to import it from a third country, bring in uranium and enrich it, or enriched uranium. It's just a long shot.

And what you have is - as I said, it's some sort of a hysteria that we had over Iraq that's coming up again in Iran. And this isn't a plea for Iran. There's a lot of things that the Iranians do that is objectionable, the way they treat dissent, etc., etc. So I'm just speaking within the context of the hullabaloo that's up now. And as far as sanctions are concerned, you know, excuse me, we've been sanctioning Cuba for 60 years, and Castro is - you know, he may be ill, but he's still there. Sanctions are not going to work. This is a country that produces oil and gas - less and less, but still plenty of it. And they have customers in the Far East, the Iranians. They have customers for their energy. We're the losers in this.

AMY GOODMAN: How would you compare the Obama administration to the Bush administration when it comes to Iran?

SEYMOUR HERSH: I can't find a comparison. Same - a little less bellicose, but the same thing. I do think - I have every reason to believe that, unlike Mr. Bush, President Obama really is worried about an attack. He doesn't want to see the Israelis bomb Iran. That's the kind of talk we've been getting in the press lately.

And there's new - as you mentioned, the 30,000-pound bombs built by Boeing, I think. The problem is that most of Iran's facilities, the ones that we know about, the declared facilities under camera inspection, a place called Natanz, is about 80, 75 to 80 feet underground. And you'd have to do a hell of a lot of bombing to do much damage to it. You could certainly do damage to it, but the cost internationally would be stupendous. The argument for going and bombing is so vague and so nil. There's been studies done showing - technical studies, MIT and other places, and the Israeli government also has had its scientists participate in these studies, showing it would be really hard to do a significant amount of damage, given how deep the underground facilities are. But you hear this talk about it.

And there's - you know, look, this president has said nothing about what's going on in Tahrir Square again. We're mute. He's been mute on this kind of bellicosity. But my understanding is that, purely from inside information, is that he does understand the issues more. I think it's right now a political game being played by him to look tough. You know, everybody's chasing, you know, the independent vote. I don't know why - what's so important to go after people that can't decide whether they're Democrats or Republicans, but that seems to be the name of the game.

AMY GOODMAN: Well, let's turn to the response in Israel to the IAEA report. Yesterday, Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak said in an interview with CNN the time has come to deal with Iran. When asked specifically whether Israel would attack Iran, this is how he responded.

DEFENSE MINISTER EHUD BARAK: I don't think that that's a subject for public discussion. But I can tell you that the IAEA report has a sobering impact on many in the world, leaders as well the publics. And people understand that the time had come. Amano told straightly what he found, unlike Baradei. And it became a major issue, that I think, duly so, becomes a major issue for sanctions, for intensive diplomacy, with urgency. People understand now that Iran is determined to reach nuclear weapons. No other possible or conceivable explanation for what they had been actually doing. And that should be stopped.

AMY GOODMAN: That was the Israeli defense minister, Ehud Barak. Sy, your response?

SEYMOUR HERSH: Well, what makes me nervous is Barak and Bibi, Bibi Netanyahu, are together on this. They're not always together on many things. They both agree, and that's worrisome because, again, it's a political issue there. Everybody - the country is moving quickly to the right, Israel is, obviously. And I can just tell you that I've also talked - unfortunately, the ground rules are so lousy in Israel, I can't write it, but I've talked to very senior intelligence people in Iran - in Israel, rather. If you notice, you don't hear that much about it, but the former head of Mossad, Meir Dagan, who left - who was the guy that orchestrated the attempted assassinations in Dubai, etc. - no dove - has been vehement about the foolishness of attempting to go after Iran, on the grounds that it's not clear what they have. They're certainly far away from a bomb. Israel has been saying for 20 years they're, you know, six months away from making a bomb.

But I can tell you that I've talked to senior Israeli officers in Israel who have told me, A, they know that Iran, as the American intelligence community reported - I think it was in '07 - there was a National Intelligence Estimate that became public that said, essentially, Iran did look at a bomb. They had an eight-year war with Iraq, a terrible war, 1980 to 1988. And we, by the way, the United States, sided with Iraq, Saddam Hussein at that time. Iran then, in the years after that, they began to worry about Iraq's talk about building a nuclear weapon, so they did look, in that period, let's say '87 to - '97 to 2003, no question. The American NIE said in '07 - it was augmented in 2011. I wrote about it a year ago in The New Yorker. It said, yes, they did look at a bomb, but not - they knew that they couldn't - there was no way they could make a bomb to deter America or Israel. They're not fools. This Persian society has been around for a couple thousand years. They can't deter us. We have too many bombs. They thought maybe they could deter Iraq. After we went in and took down Iraq in '03, they stopped. So they had done some studies. We're talking about computer modeling, etc., no building. They - no question, they looked at the idea of getting a bomb or getting to the point where maybe they could make one. They did do that, but they stopped in '03.

That's still the American consensus. The Israelis will tell you privately, "Yes, we agree." They stopped most of their planning, even their studies, in '03. The Israeli position is they stopped not because they saw what we did to Iraq, but they thought that we could - we destroyed Iraq - I had a general tell me this - we destroyed Iraq in - it took them - we did in three weeks what they couldn't do in eight years. They thought they would be next. But the consensus was, yes, they stopped. And also, if you asked serious, smart, wise Israelis in the intelligence business - and there are many - "Do you really think, if they got a bomb - and they don't have one now - they would hit Tel Aviv?" and the answer was, "Do you think they're crazy? We would incinerate them. Of course not. They've been around 2,000 years. That's not going to happen." Their fear was they would give a bomb to somebody else, etc.

But there's an element rationality in the Israeli intelligence community that's not being expressed by the political leadership. It's the same madness we have here. There's an element of rationality in our intelligence community which says, in '07, and it has said it again last year, they don't have the bomb. They're not making it. It's at NIE, 16 agencies agreed, 16 to nothing, in an internal vote, before that - they did an update in 2011 on the '07 study and came to the same place. It's just not there. That doesn't mean they don't have dreams. It doesn't mean scientists don't do computer studies. It doesn't mean that physicists at the University of Tehran don't do what physicists like to do, write papers and do studies. But there's just no evidence of any systematic effort to go from enriching uranium to making a bomb. It's a huge, difficult process. You have to take a very hot gas and convert it into a metal and then convert it into a core. And you have to do that by remote control, because you can't get near that stuff. It'll kill you. So radioactive.

I mean, so, look, I'm a lone voice. And you know how careful The New Yorker is, even on a blog item. This piece was checked and rechecked. And I quote people - Joe Cirincione, an American who's been involved in disarmament many years. These are different voices than you're seeing in the papers. I sometimes get offended by the same voices we see in the New York Times and Washington Post. We don't see people with different points of view. There are, inside the - not only the American intelligence community, but also inside the IAEA in Vienna. There are many people who cannot stand what Amano is doing, and many people who basically - I get emails - and this piece came out, was put up, I think, over the weekend. And I get emails, like crazy, from people on the inside saying, "Way to go." I'm talking about inside the IAEA. It's an organization that doesn't deal with the press, but internally, they're very bothered by the direction Amano is taking them.

It's not a scientific study, Amy. It's a political document. And it's a political document in which he's playing our game. And it's the same game the Israelis are picking up on, and those who don't like Iran. And I wish we could separate our feelings about Iran and the mullahs and what happened with the students from 1979, into the reality, which is that I think there's a very serious chance the Iranians would certainly give us the kind of inspections we want, in return for a little love - an end to sanctions and a respect that they insist that they want to get from us. And it's not happening from this administration.

AMY GOODMAN: Seymour Hersh, I want to thank you very much for being with us. His latest piece is on the blog at The New Yorker. It's called "Iran and the IAEA." Seymour Hersh won the Pulitzer Prize. His piece, you can see at The New Yorker's website.

 

 

Mark Schwebke

PCC Print Center

971-722-8061

mschwebk@pcc.edu

 

 
US military occupation forces in Iraq and Afganistan under Commander-in-Chief Obama suffered 48 combat casualties in the week ending November 15, 2011 as the official casualty total rose to 110,933

The total includes 79,387 casualties since the US invaded Iraq in March, 2003 (Operations  "Iraqi Freedom" and "New Dawn"), and 31,546 since the US invaded Afganistan in November, 2001 (Operation "Eduring Freedom") and none in Libya (closed-- March-October)

IRAQ THEATER: US forces suffered no combat casualties in the week ending Nov. 15, as the total remained at 79,387. That includes 35,750 dead and wounded from what the Pentagon classifies as "hostile" causes and 43,637 dead and medically evacuated (as of Oct. 31) from "non-hostile" causes.
 
AFGANISTAN THEATER: US forces suffered 48 combat casualties in the week ending Nov.15 as the total rose to 31,546. The total includes 16,289 dead and wounded from "hostile" causes and 15,257 dead and medically evacuated (as of  Oct 31) from "non-hostile" causes.
 
LIBYA THEATER:Operation "Odessy Dawn" launched in March, officially ended Oct 31. US combat missions, in which an F-15E was downed with two crewmen slightly injuted, were replaced with drones,refueling missions and offshore missile strikes for most of the hostilities.

US media divert attention from the actual cost in American life and limb by only reporting regularily the total killed (6,311 - 4,485 in  Iraq,1,826 in Afghanistan) but rarely mentioning those wounded in action (47,017--32,224 in Iraq, 14,837 in Afghanistan). They ignore the 58,895 (43,638 in Iraq,15,257 in AfPak as of Oct 31) military casualties injured and ill seriously enough to be medivaced out of theater, even though the 6,311 total dead include 1,333 (959 in Iraq, 374 in Afghanistan) who died from those same "non hostile" causes, including 301 suicides (as of Oct 31) and at least 18 in Iraq from faulty KBR electrical work.

WIA are usually updated on Tuesday at www.defenselink.mil/news/casualty.pdf

Non combat casualties are usually reported monthly at http://siadapp.dmdc.osd.mil/personnel/CASUALTY/castop.htm
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visit the new photo gallery on my website www.michaelmunk.com

 
Reflect, Mourn, Take Action for a More Peaceful World ...
more info: http://www.theportlandalliance.org/peace

War is not healthy for children and other life forms.
Germ Warfare in Vietnam

  
RALLY, MARCH AND FORUM TO MARK ANNIVERSARY OF 2001 AFGHAN INVASION

   October 15, 2011 event to tie the economy to America's ongoing wars 

   On Saturday, October 15, 2011, there will be an action protesting the  10th anniversary of the US invasion of Afghanistan. The event begins

   with a rally at 1 PM in Shemanski Park (South Park Blocks at Salmon St), and a march at 1:30 PM will bring participants to the First

   Unitarian Church for a 2:30 PM forum. The theme of the event will be    "10 Years in Afghanistan: End the Wars-Bring Our $ Home." Speakers at

   the rally and forum will also address these topics:    --Self Determination for the Middle East  /     --End Militarism  /     --Money for Jobs and Health Care  /     --Protect Human and Civil Rights

   Preliminary cosponsors include Peace and Justice Works Iraq Affinity, Portland Peaceful Response Coalition, the Peace Action Committee

   of the First Unitarian Church, Metanoia Peace Community and East Timor,  Action Network/Portland.     
  
   Endorsers include Recruiter Watch PDX, Little Light of Mine, Northwest Alliance for Alternative Media & Education dba The Portland Alliance, 
   Friends Worship Group, Freedom Socialist Party and Women in Black-Portland.

   For more information or for your organization to get involved, contact Peace and Justice Works at 503-236-3065.

 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DFRgEQGIDzs

Song from Veterans for Peace    
 

"Eternal vigilance by the people is the price of liberty."      --    Andrew Jackson


By Rep. Dennis Kucinich

Libyan rebels have entered Tripoli. As gun battles break out across the city, it is timely to enter into a discussion as to how the rebels arrived there. It is time to review the curious role of NATO and the future of U.S. interventionism.

NATO Pursued Regime Change for Months

A negotiated settlement in Libya was deliberately avoided for months while NATO, in violation of UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolutions 1970 and 1973, illegally pursued regime change. NATO chose sides, intervened in a civil war and morphed into the air force for the rebels, who could not have succeeded but for NATO’s attacks.

NATO acted with impunity. The NATO command recklessly bombed civilians in the name of saving civilians. Usurping the United Nations’ traditional role, NATO looked the other way as the arms embargo was openly violated by U.N. member nations.

NATO’s top commanders may have acted under color of international law but they are not exempt from international law. If members of the Gaddafi Regime are to be held accountable, NATO’s top commanders must also be held accountable through the International Criminal Court for all civilian deaths resulting from bombing. Otherwise we will have witnessed the triumph of a new international gangsterism.

Changing Reasons for Intervention

The reasons for the U.S./NATO intervention in Libya keep changing. First it was about the potential for a massacre in Benghazi. When the massacre did not materialize and once the war against Libya was underway, the reasons for intervention changed.

We were reminded Libya had spent ‘forty years under a tyrant.’ We were urged to remember the destruction of Pan Am Flight 103 over Scotland, which occurred 23 years ago this December 21st. Yet almost 20 years later, on November 18, 2008 the Associated Press reported that President George Bush called Colonel Gaddafi personally “to voice his satisfaction that Libya has settled a long-standing dispute over terrorist attacks, including the bombing of a Pan Am jet over Scotland.”

On December 19, 2003 Libya voluntarily gave up its nuclear weapon-making capability and on January 6, 2004 ratified the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. Its relationship with the U.S. on the mend, Libya then opened up to international investment and began the wholesale privatization of its industries, leading to massive unemployment and dissatisfaction with the state of things, particularly among younger Libyans.

I mention this not to sympathize with Colonel Gaddafi’s brutality or to minimize the great tragedy of Flight 103. But if the U.S. had come to terms with Gaddafi’s past violence, why does the Obama administration invoke it as justification for an attack on Libya? One conclusion could be that the reasons for the March 2011 attack were bogus.

Once into the war, the administration promptly passed off nominal responsibility for the war to NATO, after beginning the war without congressional authorization. NATO became the beneficiary of U.S. funds, U.S. war planes, U.S. drones, U.S. bombs, and U.S. intelligence assets.

NATO Violated UN Security Council Resolutions

The Obama administration violated the U.S. Constitution by bypassing Congress on the war. These are not mere academic matters. They have moved the world community from the rule of law to the rule of force and have set a precedent for NATO to become the new global-cop. Far from bringing a new level of security to the world scene, NATO has brought a new level of insecurity and unaccountability.

So Why Was It We Intervened?

The question of the reason for United States’ involvement in Libya remains.

Was the United States’ Central Intelligence Agency involved in planning for regime change prior to events in February and March in Benghazi? Did the CIA and its assets have a role in fomenting a civil war?

Was the United States, through participation in the overthrow of the regime, furthering the aims of international oil corporations in pursuit of control over one of the world’s largest oil resources?

Did the United States at the inception of the war against Libya align itself with elements of Al Qaeda, while elsewhere continuing to use the threat of Al Qaeda as a reason for U.S. military intervention, presence and occupation?

The foreign policy objectives of the Obama administration are cloudy. Pledges to end the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq are in doubt. The Iraq War is supposed to be over at the end of this year, yet that promise appears to be fading. The U.S. presence in Afghanistan appears to be open-ended. The latest reports describe a U.S. commitment in Afghanistan through 2024. This raises the question as to whether the administration has full control over the military and intelligence apparatus.

In the case of Libya, now that NATO, with the help of the U.S., has brought the rebels into the streets of Tripoli to fight, what follows? What’s the plan? Who governs and for whose sake? Will Libya become NATO’s protectorate?

Collateral Damage

It is not only the Gaddafi compound in Tripoli that will be left in ruins by NATO’s actions; it will also be the Obama administration’s relationship with the African Union (AU). The AU and its member nations have been repeatedly rebuffed by the U.S. in its efforts to bring about a peaceful, negotiated settlement for the regime’s transition out of power. While the U.S., through NATO, has been bombing Libya, China has spent time building commercial opportunities across the African continent.

As the administration indulges itself with wars in Libya, Iraq and Afghanistan – spending hundreds of billions of dollars on military adventurism – the United States has massive economic problems at home. Resources which should be spent creating jobs in America are going to perpetuate war abroad. Resources which should be used to build bridges in America continue to be used to bomb bridges elsewhere.

Millions of Americans are begging for a chance to earn their daily bread while the government spends its money on daily bombing. While the government has yet to produce a viable jobs program to put millions of unemployed back to work, the waste of resources on war is guaranteed to continue: The Iraq and Afghanistan wars are not to subject to spending caps in the budget. The American people get myths, rhetoric and unemployment while war profiteers get the gold. Can you imagine what the people of Libya will get?  Φ

Congressman Dennis Kucinich (D-OH), who has led the fight in the House challenging the Obama administration’s actions in Libya, released this statement on August 23, 2011.TOP THE WAR COALITION  22 August 2011   /   Email office@stopwar.org.uk


Tel: 020 7801 2768   /   Web: http://stopwar.org.uk   /   Twitter: http://twitter.com/STWuk

Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/stopthewarcoalition

LIBYA AFTER GADAFFI: STATEMENT BY STOP THE WAR COALITION

          The fall of the Gadaffi regime in Libya marks yet another turning point in what

has been a truly remarkable year in the Middle East. The victory of the rebels,

backed by Nato bombing in a six month campaign initiated by the British and

French governments, also heralds the rehabilitation of a discredited doctrine

-- that of 'humanitarian intervention' -- after the debacle of Iraq and

Afghanistan.

           The defeat of Gadaffi is now being used to justify military action on the

grounds that it has helped the Arab revolutions. David Cameron declared outside

Downing Street 22 August 2011, 'This has not been our revolution, but we can be

proud that we have played our part.'

          The hypocrisy of Cameron is staggering, given the role of British and other

western governments in backing up dictators and despots in the region -- only

halted in some places by the actions of the Arab people themselves.

          The Nato intervention has not been for idealistic values. It has been about

regime change, so that a leader more acceptable to western governments and

business could replace Gadaffi.

          Right to the end, NATO was bent on a military victory and bringing the

Transitional National Council (TNC) -- the Benghazi administration -- to power

in Libya by force of arms. All proposals for talks to achieve a political

solution – whether from within Libya or outside - have been brushed aside.

          While many Libyans may welcome the outcome, and will be glad to see the back of

Gadaffi, it has a number of negative aspects. 

          From the international point of view, the most significant thing is that the

government of another Arab state has been changed by external force applied by

the big imperial powers. There is no real suggestion that the TNC could have

come to power unaided. The NATO military intervention, stretching beyond

breaking point the mandate given by the United Nations, has been decisive.

          This will not be the end of the story. The experience of Iraq teaches that the

overthrow of a regime under such circumstances by no means signifies the end of

the war. Whether those who have supported Gadaffi will meekly accept the

authority of a new government imposed under such circumstances is open to

question.

          Whatever happens, the deep divisions within Libyan society remain. Likewise,

given that the TNC is an amalgam of forces, ranging from the democratic to the

Islamist to leaders who are the direct employees of western interests, it may

have neither the capacity to resolve existing differences nor the ability to

prevent the emergence of new ones, within its own ranks.

           David Cameron spelt out the close role Britain and the other western powers

will expect to have in running Libya, and in how much detail they have been

planned, including ‘stabilisation experts who have been planning for this

moment…for months.’

          Under these circumstances, the main demand must be an end to all forms of NATO

interference in Libya – not just the end of the bombing, but the withdrawal

of special forces and a halt to all forms of political interference. The only

solution to the crisis in Libya will have to be a Libyan solution. Recent

history, from Iraq to Afghanistan, teaches that too.

          But beyond that, we must recognise the danger that even a passing 'success' in

Libya may embolden the US, British and French governments to believe that the

idea of 'liberal interventionism', discredited after Iraq, can be revived on a

broader scale. Of course, however it ends the Libyan conflict has not gone as

expected and none of the leaders of the aggression have dared introduce ground

troops into the war. Nevertheless, the danger of extending the intervention to

Syria as part of a programme to control and suppress the 'Arab Spring' is not

inconceivable and must be mobilised against.

          The old rulers will not be missed if and when they depart. The decisive issues

– genuinely democratic and popular regimes across the Arab world, the

exclusion of great power interference in the region and justice for the

Palestinian people – remain in the balance and require our solidarity.

          LINDSEY GERMAN, National Convenor, Stop the War Coalition

ANDREW MURRAY, National Chair, Stop the War Coalition--

“I believe this event has the potential to make real change. I'm very tired of seeing the wars continue year after year while human needs are ignored. I've been to many demonstrations where we spend a day (sometimes a night in jail) but then go home and nothing changes. This is what we need to do and I will be proud to be a part of it."

— Vicki Andrews



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October2011.org
Dear Friends,

As we write this, the counter on the october2011.org website reads 50 days, 18 hours and 55 minutes. In some ways that feels too far away. So much is happening that we wish we could start the occupation today. And in some ways it feels as though it is coming too quickly because there is so much to do to prepare.

Preparation is the key word and the october2011 committees are busy meeting to organize logistics, education, outreach and more. A key component of the preparation is to promote nonviolence. It is important that we maintain a nonviolent presence no matter what happens. Experience tells us that there will be infiltrators who try to stir up violence in order to justify a police crack-down. Here are three ways that we can prevent this and keep ourselves safe:
  1. Nonviolence training – we are organizing regional nonviolence training sessions in the weeks leading up to the action. Please let us know if you are a trainer or have an organization or space that can host a training. There will also be nonviolence training daily in DC.
  2. Peacekeepers – the Veterans for Peace just completed their national conference at which they trained people to watch for violence, handle police infiltrators, direct participants away from violence, and communicate so that violence can be prevented or stopped.
  3. Peace cameras – we invite you to bring cameras and we will have ours going too in order to document any incidents of violence instigated by police.
Some groups are planning to stay together as communities, also known as affinity groups. These are being organized by geographic region and by shared interests. If you are coming as an affinity group, let us know so that others who are not in a group and who would like to join one will know what yours is about. Some people are discussing and forming communities on the website.

Remember that the website is your resource. There is a Travel forum and a Housing forum. New information was placed on the Housing forum this past week. We encourage you to use the Discussion board in order to get to know each other.

Our stories are why we are doing this. The American story is now too much a story of unemployment, foreclosure, lack of access to health care and injustice.  Some who are coming to Freedom Plaza were willing to share their stories with us. Please read about David and Leslie. You can tell your story on the new “Why I Will Be There” forum.

We welcome our new ‘Local contacts’ and are looking for more. If you are interested, please let us know at info@october2011.org.

In peace and solidarity,
The october2011 Movement

Peace and Justice page

“End the war, not just the surge”   

by Brian J. Trautman
 see page www.theportlandalliance.org/peace
President Obama addressed the nation on June 22 to explain his strategy for troop withdrawal in Afghanistan. Of the 100,000 U.S. troops currently deployed there, the announced drawdown of 10,000 soldiers by year’s end and another 23,000 by September 2012 does little to end the longest war in U.S. history. Under this plan, approximately 70,000 troops will remain in the country, roughly twice as many as when Mr. Obama took office in January 2009. According to the President, these troops will be removed “at a steady pace” through 2014. In the meantime, the human and financial costs of this war will continue to grow.
There is no military solution to the complex and long-standing sociopolitical problems facing Afghanistan and the region. As long as a U.S. policy of large-scale military aggression continues, Afghans will resist what they perceive as another foreign invasion and occupation of their country. We need a new vision and approach in Afghanistan. This starts with a cease-fire and a full withdrawal of U.S. combat forces. To lay the groundwork for domestic stability and security, Afghanistan needs an Afghan-led, Afghan-owned reconciliation process and the diplomatic and humanitarian support of a broad-based international coalition.
Since 2001, 1,657 U.S. soldiers have been killed in Afghanistan. Nearly 11,200 American soldiers have been wounded. The exact number of Afghans and Pakistanis killed and maimed due to this war is unknown, but a Brown University study put the figure at tens of thousands. A large proportion of these casualties are the result of strikes by unmanned aerial vehicles (drones), which many in the international community argue are illegal. The deadliest month for Afghan civilians since the war began occurred last May. Just this month the U.S.-led coalition in Afghanistan admitted to killing innocent women and children during an airstrike on insurgents, and indicated that they are investigating a separate case of civilian causalities. These are common and unpreventable occurrences in any war, and the war in Afghanistan is no different. Since WWI there have been far more civilian casualties than military casualties in the major wars involving the U.S., and the ratio gets greater with each new war.
Support among Americans for the war in Afghanistan has dropped considerably since last year. A new survey from the Pew Research Center shows that a majority (56%) of Americans want troops pulled from Afghanistan as soon as possible. The U.S. Conference of Mayors passed a resolution on June 20 that called on leaders in Washington to “bring war dollars home to meet vital human needs.” Veterans For Peace recently signed on to a letter urging members of Congress to support an amendment to the FY12 Defense Appropriations Bill that would eliminate the funding needed to continue the war. The letter also calls on the Congress “to redirect our national priorities away from militarism and towards social justice here at home.”
According to National Priorities Project, the cost of the war in Afghanistan since 2001 is now more than $432 billion, and rising at a rate of about $2.3 billion a week. A total of $459.8 billion has been appropriated for the war through the end of the current fiscal year (Sept. 30).For the same amount of U.S. taxpayer money, the following could have been provided: 7.0 million elementary school teachers for one year, or; 94.6 million people receiving low-income healthcare for one year, or; 82.8 million students receiving Pell Grants of $5,550. Over the past decade war spending has contributed to a massive national debt and record budget deficits at the federal, state and local levels. The economic crisis has some lawmakers advocating for austerity measures that would slash funding for essential public social services, which would further damage our economy and hurt Americans already struggling to make ends meet.
The Obama administration must refocus its priorities and strengthen its commitment to the American people. The President touched on this subject briefly in his speech, stating that “We must invest in America’s greatest resource—our people. We must unleash innovation that creates new jobs and industries.” However, a shift from rhetoric to reality will require Mr. Obama and the Congress to move a significant amount of federal spending away from the military and toward the urgent needs of American communities. Bringing the war in Afghanistan to an immediate end is a good start. 
-------------------------------END-----------------------------------
The writer is a U.S. Army veteran, peace educator/activist, and member of Veterans For Peace. He resides in Albany, NY.
 This page is http://www.theportlandalliance.org/peace

Peace Activism  

 Several local peace groups have gotten together to ask City Council to pass a resolution calling on Congress to "Bring our war $$ home." The original idea grew from grassroots movements in Maine and elsewhere, that culminated in the passage of a resolution by the US Conference of Mayors in June, which Portland's Mayor, Sam Adams, supported. (The resolution was introduced by Eugene, OR Mayor Kitty Piercy.)We launched this effort at the Hiroshima Day event on August 7 and hope to get Council to pass a resolution by early October. 

Please take one or more of these steps to help:

1--sign the sample letter we have provided and send it to one or as many
as all five City Council members.
http://www.facebook.com/l/vAQB7m72VAQAJJVLG7RsERMUDDXlSqk7G6Lox0Bk71HVZbA/www.pjw.info/wardollars_portlandletter.html
Download printable .pdf version of the sample letter
http://www.facebook.com/l/DAQCRO9BhAQC_MCm-LtMwdystx7Mj8K1jqSTV88Zqfk_KFw/www.pjw.info/wardollarsportland_letter.pdf

2--write your own letter or email to the Council
Commissioner Amanda Fritz <amanda@portlandoregon.gov>,
Commissioner Dan Saltzman <dan@portlandoregon.gov>,
Commissioner Nick Fish <Nick@portlandoregon.gov>,
Commissioner Randy Leonard <randy@portlandoregon.gov>,
Mayor Sam Adams <sam.adams@portlandoregon.gov>

3--Join our ongoing efforts to end senseless wars and military spending.
* Let us know if you would like to be added to the mailing list for our
organization for future efforts.
* Get your organization to sign on as a supporter of the Campaign.
Help us speak to Council, circulate letters, and build public
support.
*Forward this information widely!

Thank you Peace and Justice Works Iraq Affinity Group
with Portland Peaceful Response Coalition*  
PO Box 42456  /  Portland, OR 97242  /  (503) 236-3065 (Office)  

Sample letter to Portland City Council: Bring Our War Dollars Home
www.pjw.info
To: Mayor Sam Adams Commissioner Nick Fish Commissioner Amanda Fritz Commissioner Randy Leonard Com