Bill Beeman Presents Commentary and Information on Persian Affairs,
International Events, and Middle Eastern Political Machinations http://www.theportlandalliance.org/beeman
A response to another person on a specialist web site who argues that
Iran's nuclear program is not just a pretext for regime change. I have
excised personal names except my own.
Professor C_____ continues, with Professor K_____ to demonstrate my
contention. It is Iran that is under attack, not Iran's nuclear program.
If Iran shut down its nuclear program tomorrow, those who want to see
the current government in Iran destroyed would find another pretext to
gain public support outside of Iran to do it. Indeed, Professor C_____
demonstrates this point by correctly stating that "there were plenty of
other and earlier pretexts for such a policy . . ." I know this so
well, I wrote a whole book to document it (The "Great Satan," etc.).
Iran knows very well that its nuclear program constitutes no danger to
anyone, but if the world wants to exaggerate its abilities, why should
they disabuse anyone. As Machiavelli said, "It is better to be feared
than loved"--a favorite neo-con quote. Being "the greatest threat to
humanity" is quite an accomplishment, wouldn't you say? Especially when
such a title is a ridiculous exaggeration. As one of my friends from the
opera stage once told me: "I'm so happy. I gave a s----y performance
and got a great review. It's like winning the lottery."
Iran treasures its reputation as a modern, progressive civilization.
This has been true for more than 100 years, and is a desire that unites
the Pahlavi regimes with the current government of Iran. Engineering and
scientific skills alongside the arts and humanities are ways of
demonstrating this, whatever one thinks of the politics or ideology of
the government. Denying Iran the right to nuclear development is seen as
a put-down and an insult--a declaration that it is a backwater state
that can be pushed around. Likewise denying Iran its international
treaty rights under the NPT is a way to make it seem a second-class
civilization. These insults are not going to go unnoticed. Iranians will
sacrifice mightily to protect their reputation. Look at the development
today--Iran claiming that it has reverse-engineered the captured U.S.
Drone. Anyone can see that this is a poke in the eye to those who think
that Iran is somehow a backward nation with no scientific or engineering
skills.
I understand all too well that millions of Iranians now living abroad in
Switzerland, France, the UK and the United States among other places,
who went into exile at the time of the Revolution hate the current
regime and want it gone by any means, but as Professor C_____, as one of
the most respected Iranian scholars, knows even better than I do,
foreign interference in Iranian affairs is seen through the lens of the
past. 150 years of foreign meddling in Iran has left its mark. Nothing
we do from the outside is going to change the Iranian government or
modify its actions. Indeed, the more we try, the less effective it will
be, since "foreign control" of individuals and policies is absolute
poison in Iranian political life. We can, however, start to build a base
for Iranians voluntarily improving their international relations,
starting with talking to them--and without the absurd posturing that for
the United States to "speak" to Iran is to reward them.
Bill Beeman
University of Minnesota
Please take a look at Mr. Safdari's commentary below. He is 100% correct.
You know, just for once, I wish the media would at least make a slight
effort to get the basic technical descriptions of the nuclear issue
right, apart from the other problems. David Ignatius of the Washington
Post speculates about the shape of a compromise deal as such: " Iran
would agree to stop enriching uranium to the 20 percent level and to
halt work at an underground facility near Qom built for higher
enrichment. Iran would export its stockpile of highly enriched uranium
for final processing to 20 percent, for use in medical isotopes..."
First, Iran does not have a "stockpile of highly enriched uranium". It
has a stockpile of low-enriched uranium. 20% is the upper-limit of what
is considered to be low-enriched. Second, Iran would not be exporting
this stockpile for "final processing to 20%." It would be doing so for
processing into nuclear fuel rods (a technology which, Iran has now
started to develop indigeniously, thus vitiating a need to export the
stuff and probably making the issue a better bargaining chip for the
Iranians...all thanks to the sanctions on a medical reactor that posed
no proliferation threat in the first place.) And the 20% uranium is not
"used in medical istopes" but is instead used to power the reactor that
makes isotopes. And I'm at loss as to how Ignatius concluded that Qom is
"built for higher enrichment" than 20%. And, the "earlier deal" did not
"collapse because of opposition from Khamenei" though there tends to
be collective enforced amnesia about it in the media. The deal collapsed
because the US pulled out the rug from under the Brazilians and Turks
once they got a Yes from the Iranians. The deal prior to that one
collapsed because the Iranians did not have sufficient guarantees that
any fuel rods would ever be actually delivered in exchange for their
exported enriched uranium, since the US refused to provide any such
guarantees.
And while I'm at it (and apart from this particular column) could the
media please stop with the repeated and automatic assertion that "while
Iran says its nuclear program is purely peaceful, the US suspects Iran
is seeking nukes" -- because the US does not in fact suspect this.
Multiple US intelligence agencies have said so twice, and the IAEA has
specifically stated that it has no concrete evidence of any nuclear
weapons program in Iran, "now or ever". Similarly, the automatic claim
that Israel sees Iran as an "existential threat" is false. Netanyahu and
his ilk may make that claim, but they are not "Israel". Plently of
Israeli officials scoff at his characterization of Iran's nuclear
program as "flying gas chambers" etc.
US and Iran Should Adopt Nixon's Yellow-Pad Method
By: John Limbert posted on Thursday, Apr 19, 2012
According
to reports from last weekend’s multilateral negotiations with Iran in
Istanbul [April 13-14], the assembled diplomats agreed on two points:
About this Article
Summary:
John Limbert writes that the
precedents for US-Iran negotiations are not good, and that it's time to
use former president Nixon's "yellow pad" method, which distills items
for negotiation into “what we want” and “what they want.” The exercise
sounds simple, but it's not, especially given years of US-Iran
estrangement and mutual hostility.
Author: John Limbert
Published on: Thursday, Apr 19, 2012
Categories: Turkey Iran Security
The Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty forms a basis for engagement, which
means Iran will not develop nuclear weapons and the five permanent
members of the UN Security Council plus Germany — the so-called P5+1 —
should respect Iran’s right to the peaceful use of nuclear energy.
The two sides will meet in Baghdad on May 23, preceded by a preparatory meeting of deputies.
These
items may not seem like much, but it’s always worth noting when Iran
and a group that includes the United States can agree on anything. Deep
hostility and mistrust on both sides have made reaching agreement on
even the basics very difficult. The reason for this is simple: both
sides expect failure and go into the meetings convinced that the
other’s purpose is to deceive.
“No” is expected, and “yes” is a problem; as the reasoning goes, “Why would they agree to anything that didn’t cheat us?”
So
Iran and the P5+1 have found two “yessables.” Now what? Will this
achievement — modest as it may appear — help Iran and the United States
move away from more than three decades of futile exchanges of threats,
insults and accusations? Will American and Iranian officials finally
begin talking to each other, if not as friends, at least as
representatives of two states with interests that need discussing?
The precedents are not good. Previous efforts to end this quandary
have foundered on bad timing, suspicion, misreading and just bad luck.
More
than three years into US President Barack Obama’s term, there is little
to show for his offers of engagement with Iran based on mutual respect —
something the leaders of the Islamic Republic have always insisted they
wanted. In that time, there has been only one high-level one-on-one
meeting between Iranian and American officials (in Geneva in October of
2009). In the last two encounters with the P5+1, the Iranian
representative has deliberately avoided meeting his American
counterpart. One can only ask, “What is he afraid of?” Both Bill Burns
and Wendy Sherman — the chief US interlocutors for Iran over the past
few years — are thorough professionals and not known for bullying and
threats.
On the US side, it is time to learn from the example of the late
president Richard Nixon. Before he made his historic visit to China in
February 1972, Nixon wrote two lists on a yellow legal pad: “what we
want” and “what they want.”
The exercise sounds simple, but it is not. Knowing what the other
side really wants — as distinguished from what it may say it wants — is
never easy. In the case of Iran, 32 years of estrangement and mutual
hostility makes the effort even more challenging.
If asked directly, the Islamic Republic will say it wants “its
rights” or “justice,” without further elaboration. Such objectives do
not fit easily into a yellow-pad list.
Even one’s own goals are
not always obvious. There is uncertainty, for example, in the case of
the economic and financial sanctions against Iran, which, we are told,
both “cripple” and “bite.” But what is their purpose? Depending on the
context and the speaker, the goals may be:
Persuade the Iranians to accept the president’s offer of
engagement based on mutual respect, which they could do by negotiating
seriously on nuclear and other issues.
Weaken the Iranian economy so that the government is forced to accept terms dictated by outside powers.
Undermine the Iranian economy in order to bring down the government of the Islamic Republic entirely.
We
are sometimes told that the sanctions are working. But working to which
of the above ends? As the saying goes, if you don’t know where you are
going, then any road will get you there.
A good starting point for the yellow-pad list might be the May 2003
proposal for comprehensive bilateral talks. In that proposal, which was
ignored by the George W. Bush administration in the flush of an apparent
easy military victory in Iraq, the Iranians put these items on their
agenda:
End US interference in Iran’s internal and external affairs.
Remove Iran from the list of state sponsors of terrorism.
Abolish economic and financial sanctions.
Return frozen Iranian assets.
Provide full access to peaceful nuclear and other technologies.
Recognize Iran’s legitimate security interests in the region.
Respect Iran’s national interests in Iraq, including links to Shia holy sites.
Pursue anti-Iranian terrorists, particularly the MEK/MKO.
On the “what we want” side, I would propose the following (incomplete) list:
Ensure the peaceful nature of Iran’s nuclear program in accordance with international standards.
Take action against terrorists on Iranian territory.
Support stabilization in Iraq and Afghanistan.
End material support to Palestinian groups that reject a peaceful resolution of the Arab-Israeli dispute.
Observe international standards for human rights and end interference with international communications.
End hateful anti-American and anti-Israeli rhetoric.
Agree to an American diplomatic presence in Tehran with guarantees for the security of personnel.
The above is just a beginning, and there are no guarantees of
success. Decades of chest-thumping on both sides have taken their toll,
and both sides will level accusations of deceit, bad faith and “playing
for time.” The lesson of Istanbul, however, may be that one can say
“yes” and the sky will not fall. Such is a modest beginning, but it is
still represents progress from the stalemates of the last 32 years.
John Limbert is professor of Middle Eastern Studies at the US Naval
Academy and a retired diplomat with long experience involving Iran, most
recently as Deputy Secretary of State for Iran.
Back to news list
From the air, the terrain of the Department of Energy’s Nevada
National Security Site, with its arid high plains and remote mountain
peaks, has the look of northwest Iran. The site, some sixty-five miles
northwest of Las Vegas, was once used for nuclear testing, and now
includes a counterintelligence training facility and a private airport
capable of handling Boeing 737 aircraft. It’s a restricted area, and
inhospitable—in certain sections, the curious are warned that the site’s
security personnel are authorized to use deadly force, if necessary,
against intruders.
It was here that the Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC)
conducted training, beginning in 2005, for members of the
Mujahideen-e-Khalq, a dissident Iranian opposition group known in the
West as the M.E.K. The M.E.K. had its beginnings as a Marxist-Islamist
student-led group and, in the nineteen-seventies, it was linked to the
assassination of six American citizens.
Israel Shields Public from Risks of War with Iran
By Gareth Porter*
TEL
AVIV, Mar 29, 2012 (IPS) - The government of Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu has been telling Israelis that Israel can attack Iran with
minimal civilian Israeli casualties as a result of retaliation, and that
reassuring message appears to have headed off any widespread Israeli
fear of war with Iran and other adversaries.
But the message that Iran is too weak to threaten an effective
counterattack is contradicted by one of Israel's leading experts on
Iranian missiles and the head of its missile defence programme for
nearly a decade, who says Iranian missiles are capable of doing
significant damage to Israeli targets.
The Israeli population has shown little serious anxiety about the
possibility of war with Iran, in large part because they have not been
told that it involves a risk of Iranian missiles destroying Israeli
neighbourhoods and key economic and administrative targets.
"People are not losing sleep over this," Yossi Alpher, a consultant
and writer on strategic issues and former director of the Jaffee Center
for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University, told IPS in an interview.
"This is not a preoccupation of the public the way the suicide bombers
were a decade ago."
Alpher says one reason for the widespread lack of urgency about a
possible war with Iran is that the scenarios involving such a war are
"so nebulous in the eyes of the public that it's difficult for them to
focus on it".
Aluf Benn, the editor in chief of Haaretz, told IPS in an interview,
"There is no war mentality," although he added, "that could change
overnight." One reason for the relative public calm about the issue, he
suggested, is the official view that Iran's ability to retaliate is
"very limited".
Jeffrey Goldberg wrote in Bloomberg Mar. 20 that "Some Israel
officials believe Iran's leaders might choose to play down the insult of
a raid and launch a handful of rockets at Tel Aviv as an angry gesture
rather than declare all-out war."
But Uzi Rubin, who was in charge of Israel's missile defence from
1991 to 1999 and presided over the development of the Arrow anti-
missile system, has a much more sombre view of Iran's capabilities.
The
"bad news" for Israel, Rubin told IPS in an interview, is that the
primary factor affecting Iran's capability to retaliate is the rapidly
declining cost of increased precision in ballistic missiles. Within a
very short time, Iran has already improved the accuracy of its missiles
from a few kilometres from the target to just a few metres, according to
Rubin.
That improvement would give Iran the ability to hit key Israeli
economic infrastructure and administrative targets, he said. "I'm asking
my military friends how they feel about waging war without
electricity," said Rubin.
The consequences of Iranian missile strikes on administrative
targets could be even more serious, Rubin believes. "If the civilian
government collapses," he said, "the military will find it difficult to
wage a war."
Rubin is even worried that, if the accuracy of Iranian missiles
improves further, which he believes is "bound to happen", Iran will be
able to carry out pinpoint attacks on Israel's air bases, which are
concentrated in just a few places.
Some Israeli analysts have suggested that Israel could hit Iranian
missiles in a preemptive strike, but Rubin said Israel can no longer
count on being able to hit Iranian missiles before they are launched.
Iran's
longer-range missiles have always been displayed on mobile transporter
erector launchers (TELs), as Rubin pointed out in an article in Arms
Control Today earlier this year. "The message was clear," Rubin wrote.
"Iran's missile force is fully mobile, hence, not pre-emptable."
Rubin, who has argued for more resources to be devoted to the Arrow
anti-missile system, acknowledged that it can only limit the number of
missiles that get through. In an e-mail to IPS, he cited the Arrow
system's record of more than 80 percent success in various tests over
the years, but also noted that such a record "does not assure an
identical success rate in real combat".
The United States and Israel began in 2009 developing a new version
of the Arrow missile defence system called "Reshef" - "Flash" - or
"Arrow 3", aimed at intercepting Iranian missiles above the atmosphere
and farther away from Israeli territory than the earlier version of the
Arrow. The new anti-missile system can alter the trajectory of the
defensive missile and distinguish decoys from real missile reentry
vehicles.
Until last November, the Arrow 3 system was not expected to become
operational until 2015. And that plan was regarded by U.S. Missile
Defense Agency (MDA) as probably too ambitious, because such a system
would normally take a decade from conception to deployment.
But Xinhua news agency reported in November that Israeli Air Force
officials said they expected Arrow 3 to become operational by mid- 2013,
cutting even that abbreviated timeline for development of the system in
half.
Nevertheless, the ability of the Arrow 3 system to shoot down an
incoming missile still has not been announced, although an Israeli
official said Mar. 1 that such a test would take place after the meeting
between President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Netanyahu.
In December 2008, Western intelligence sources were reported by
Israel's Ynet News as saying the improved version of the Shahab 3
missile had gone into production earlier that year and that Iran was
believed to be able to produce 75 of the improved missiles annually.
Gen. Gabi Ashkenazi, then IDF chief of staff, told a visiting
Congressional delegation in November 2009 that Iran already had 300
missiles capable of hitting Israeli targets, according to a U.S. State
Department cable released by WikiLeaks.
Those reports suggest that Iran now has roughly 450 missiles that
can reach Israel, half of which are improved models with much greater
precision. Even if only one-fifth of those missiles get through Israel's
missile defences, Israeli cities could be hit by at least 100, most of
which are able to hit targets with relative accuracy.
The Netanyahu government has sought to minimise the threat of
Iranian retaliation for an Israeli strike against Iran in part by
likening war with Iran to those fought against Hezbollah and Palestinian
rockets in recent years, which have resulted in relatively few Israeli
civilian casualties.
That was the message that Israeli military officials conveyed to the
Israeli news media after an escalation of violence between the IDF and
Palestinian armed groups in Gaza earlier this month.
Columnist
Zvi Barel of Haaretz speculated on Mar. 11 that the purpose of the
escalation, provoked by the IDF assassination of Zuhair al- Qaisi, the
secretary general of the Popular Resistance Committee in Gaza, was to
show the Israeli public that Israeli missile defence system could
protect the population against rockets that the IDF linked to Iran.
Barel went even further. "After Iron Dome demonstrated its 95
percent effectiveness," he wrote, "there is no better proof to Israel's
citizens that they will not suffer serious damage following an assault
on Iran."
The success of the Iron Dome against short-range rockets from Gaza
is irrelevant, however, to what could be expected from a relatively
untested Arrow system against Iranian ballistic missiles aimed at
Israeli targets.
*Gareth Porter is an investigative historian and journalist
specialising in U.S. national security policy. The paperback edition of
his latest book, "Perils of Dominance: Imbalance of Power and the Road
to War in Vietnam", was published in 2006.
“WE talk about generals fighting the last war,” said Tim McNulty, who served as foreign editor for The Chicago Tribune during the Iraq war. “I think journalists also do.”
Nine years after the start of the Iraq war, the scene has shifted to
Iran, and Mr. McNulty has a more detached view of events, as co-director
of the National Security Journalism Initiative
at Northwestern University. Now he cautions journalists against falling
again for a kind of siren song: “the narrative of war.”
“The narrative of war, or anticipating war, is a much stronger narrative
than the doubters have,” he said. “It is an easier story to write than
the question of, well, is it really necessary?”
In recent months I have heard from many readers
concerned that The New York Times is falling for this siren song, the
narrative of war, in its coverage of Iran’s nuclear program. Not
infrequently, readers and critics invoke Judith Miller’s now-discredited coverage in The Times of Saddam Hussein’s supposed weapons of mass destruction, as if to say it is all happening again.
“The conventional wisdom with regard to Iran is that Iran has a nuclear
weapons program and that they are going to attack Israel and going to
attack the United States,” said Mr. Beeman, who is chairman of the
anthropology department at the University of Minnesota. “But all these
things are tendentious and highly questionable.”
Mr. Beeman faulted The Times for mischaracterizing I.A.E.A. reports
and for a “disconnect between headline and the actual material in the
stories that really affects public opinion,” saying these problems
raised a question about the “civic responsibility of The Times.”
This bill of particulars against The Times’s coverage weighs heavily,
but it is clear to me that this is not a replay of the Judith Miller
episode. I do find examples that support the complaints mentioned above,
but also see a pattern of coverage that gives due credence to the
counternarrative — not of war but of uncertainty and caution.
Jill Abramson,
executive editor of The Times, told me the paper is “certainly mindful
that some readers may see an echo of the paper’s flawed coverage of
Iraq,” but she also noted distinct differences. This time, she said, the
United States government is expressing doubts about weapons of mass
destruction, not leading the drumbeat for war. And there is no question
that Iran has a nuclear program; it’s just unclear whether it is for
civilian or military use.
Times journalists “are mindful of our responsibility to be vigilant,
skeptical and fair,” she said. “Last month, when the calls for striking
Iran began to grow louder, we brought together the foreign and
Washington desks and came up with a run of stories designed to examine
closely the statements made by those on both sides of the argument,
especially the rising calls for a military strike.”
These were all good articles, and all were played on Page 1. Getting the
Iranian point of view, though, has proved far more elusive and is
complicated by The Times’s difficulty gaining access to the country,
which carefully controls foreign news media. Although The Times’s Robert
F. Worth captured some Iranian voices in his Feb. 6 article on the impact of sanctions, The Times has not been able to report from within the country on a consistent basis.
The result is an asymmetry of perspective, something I heard frequently
in conversations with others about the coverage. The Times, for example,
ran a 7,627-word Sunday magazine article by the Israeli journalist Ronen Bergman about Israel’s calculations for a possible attack. No such word count can be tied to the Iranian point of view.
“There needs to be far more effort to get into the heads of Iranians,
the policy makers and their people, to understand how this chess game is
being played from their perspective,” said Tony Burman,
former head of Al Jazeera English and Canada’s CBC News, and now a
lecturer at Ryerson University’s School of Journalism in Toronto.
Kevin Klose,
dean of journalism at the University of Maryland and former president
of NPR, called for an effort to “carefully parse” the public statements
of Iran’s leaders and publish analyses that capture the nuances.
Hooman Majd, an
Iranian-American journalist who spent much of 2011 in Iran, observed
that news coverage has left Americans with a caricatured understanding
not only of Iran’s leaders but of its people “as being completely
oppressed or completely lunatic.”
What is needed from The Times, he added, is more effort not only to get
ordinary Iranian voices into the coverage but also to reach across the
cultural divide to fully understand significant statements from the
Iranian leadership, like the fatwa against nuclear weapons by Ayatollah
Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader.
I share this view and believe the West’s inability to understand the
other side’s leadership may have a parallel with the run-up to the Iraq
war. Once again, the stakes are high for all involved, including The
Times, which has an opportunity to get it right this time.
U of M professor William Beeman sees the U.S. press, AIPAC and right-wing think tanks agitating for an attack on Iran
By DAVID RUBENSTEIN
The U.S. media is setting up the public for a
military attack on Iran in a way that recalls the months leading up the
Iraq war in 2003, according to Middle East expert William Beeman, chair
of the University of Minnesota’s Department of Anthropology.
Beeman spoke and answered questions for more
than two hours on Feb. 11, at the Lutheran Church of Christ the Redeemer
in Minneapolis. Middle East Peace Now sponsored the talk.
Speaking before a sympathetic audience, he
declared at the outset that an attack on Iran would be “madness,” and he
cited a number of Israeli authorities who more or less agree with him.
They include the former head of Mossad, Israel’s CIA, Meir Dagan, who
last year called an Israeli preemptive strike on Iran “the stupidest
thing I have ever heard.”
But right now, says Beeman, a wide swath of
the U.S. press is promoting the idea through continual repetition of the
claim that Iran’s nuclear industry is a potential stepping-stone to a
weapons program — even though there is no evidence that a weapons
program has been initiated.
“They have done very well,” he says,
regarding the mainstream news media’s campaign to vilify Tehran. “Sit
down next to someone on a plane, and ask what they think about Iran, and
it’s likely to be ‘Iran has nuclear weapons and they are going to bomb
Israel.’”
William Beeman: AIPAC has a completely unrealistic view of the interests of Israel. (Photo: David Rubenstein)
It’s important
to realize that Iran’s nuclear industry goes back 40 years, Beeman
points out. “We sold it to them.” It took some arm-twisting, he adds.
“We went to the Shah and said if you want to be modern nation, you must
have nuclear power.”
Today there are compelling economic reasons
for Iran to continue its nuclear program, according to Beeman. He cites
800,000 as the number of cancer patients currently getting radiation
treatment in Iran. He notes, too, that Iran is the largest auto
manufacturer in the Middle East and a producer of steel, as well as
aluminum, which is particularly demanding of electrical power. At the
same time, according to Beeman, in the current market it’s making more
economic sense for Iran to sell natural gas to China than to use it for
domestic energy needs.
The major push for the attack-Iran campaign,
Beeman asserts, is coming from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu
and Ehud Barak, the defense minister, and their interest is, in part,
political.
The Israeli coalition government, fragile
from the beginning, is now threatened by economic unrest, including
street protests, “and nothing works like an outside enemy.”
But Netanyahu’s interest goes much deeper
than electoral politics, according to Beeman. He sees in Netanyahu
something of a Churchill complex, in reference to the British wartime
leader standing up to a world of Chamberlains, or appeasers. Beeman
argues that Netanyahu’s thinking vis-à-vis Iran can be traced back to
1996, when he sought and received advice from American neoconservatives,
in the form of a document called “A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm.” It promoted regime change, starting with Iraq, then Syria and then Iran
A similar strategy, with many of the same authors, was resurrected a year or two later by way of the Project for a New American Century.
According to Beeman, the idea of promoting
regime change in Iran, whether by bombing or creating intolerable
economic conditions, is a naïve fantasy. The early leaders of the
Iranian revolution understood well that shakeups occur when dictators
are toppled. As a result, he says, they set up a government that is “a
miracle of baroque complexity,” with roughly 150 important
decision-makers, staggered elections and interlocking offices.
Ahmadinejad, Beeman says, is a cog in that
system; he should be regarded as something like a city manager, in a
town that is run by a mayor and city council. In any case, according to
Beeman, his threats have been overblown. Beeman maintains that the
Jewish community in Iran, the largest in the Middle East outside of
Israel, is relatively well off and free to travel, including to and from
Israel.
It’s not easy to say that, Beeman acknowledges, without opening yourself up to a charge of being anti-Semitic, or anti-Israel.
“My personal opinion,” he says, “is that
AIPAC has a completely unrealistic view of the interests of Israel. They
reflect only the views of its most rabid right-wing politicians.”
Beeman suggested that those in the audience support a better alternative to AIPAC: “It’s called J Street.”
He’s a member himself of the group that bills itself as “pro-Israel and
pro-peace,” he says, even though he is not Jewish; “because I believe
in J Street’s mission. I want the Israeli people to be happy and safe.”
(American Jewish World, 3.2.12)
Here
is William O. Beeman's commentary on Bill Keller's New York Times column
"Bomb-bomb-Bomb, Bomb-Bomb-Iran?" (New York Times, Monday, January 23).
This comment is a "pick" of the NY Times editorial board.
Keller's article
is below Professor Beeman's commentary:
How many times do we have to remind ourselves that no one--no one has
any proof that Iran has a nuclear weapons program. Not the IAEA not our
own National Intelligence Estimate, not the Israeli military. Moreover
the U.S and its allies have been saying that Iran is one or two years
away from making a bomb every year since 1990. Iran has none of the
facilities needed to turn its current low enriched uranium into anything
weaponizable, nor does it have a delivery system. Even if it had such
facilities it would need to test its imaginary weapon, depleting its
stockpile of low enriched uranium.
Let's consider that 19 other
nations--all signatories like Iran to the NPT--are enriching uranium
exactly as Iran is doing. Some, like Japan, have already declared that
they intend to make nuclear weapons in the future if they need to. So
why aren't we going after these nations with threats, sanctions and
plans for carpet bombing? The answer is clear: we are targeting Iran,
and using this non-existent issue as an excuse. The reason: a nuclear
threat is a plausible excuse for regime change--what the hawks and
neocons are really after!
Americans need to wake up and
understand that they are being flim-flammed in a huge way. We will wake
up in the middle of a massive conflagration and realize that the
ideologues did it again--got us into a gigantic foreign conflict that
will tie us and the world up for decades over a non-existent threat.
Fool me twice, shame on me.
Lieberman Edges US to War with Iran
February 18, 2012
Exclusive:
American neocons have moved the United States closer to war with Iran
via a subtle change in the “red line” phrasing, inserting the word
“capability” after the usual threats to take out an Iranian “nuclear
weapon.” Now, Sen. Joe Lieberman is making the shift official, reports Robert Parry.
By Robert Parry
Sen. Joe Lieberman is leading a group of nearly
one-third of the U.S. Senate urging that the red line on war with Iran
be shifted from building a nuclear weapon to the vague notion of Iran
having the “capability” to build one. The neoconservative senator from
Connecticut has introduced a “Sense of the Senate” resolution that would
put the body on record as rejecting a situation that arguably already
exists, in which Iran has the know-how to build a bomb even if it has no
intention to do so.
The resolution tracks
with the positions of hardline Israeli leaders,
such as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and undercuts the position of
President Barack Obama, whose administration has been exploring ways to
negotiate an agreement with Iran, which insists that its nuclear
program is for peaceful purposes only.
Senator Joe Lieberman, I-Connecticut
(Drawing by Robbie Conal at robbieconal.com)
U.S.
and Israeli intelligence agencies also agree that Iran has NOT decided
to build a bomb. [See Consortiumnews.com’s ““US/Israel: Iran NOT
Building Nukes.”] However, in recent weeks, the goal posts have been
subtly moved not only by American neocons and Israeli hardliners but by
the major U.S. news media, which has inserted the new weasel word
“capability” in mentions about of Iran’s supposed nuclear weapons
ambitions.
Of course, many consumers of U.S. news haven’t noticed this slight
change in wording from Iran’s alleged “pursuit of a nuclear weapon” to
its alleged “pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability.” But the
distinction is important because a “capability” can mean almost
anything, since peaceful nuclear research also can be applicable to bomb
building.
To deny Iran the “capability” would almost surely require a war between
the United States and Iran, a course that some neocons have been quietly
desiring for at least the past decade when the Iraq invasion was seen
as a first step to bringing “regime change” to Iran – or as some neocons
joked at the time, “real men go to Tehran.”
Indeed, the massive U.S. Embassy in Baghdad – which now sits
increasingly idle – c
an be best understood as the intended imperial
command center for a new American dominance of the region. But those
neocon plans were spoiled by the disastrous turn of the U.S. invasion
and occupation of Iraq and ultimately America’s forced military
withdrawal from the country at the end of 2011.
A Neocon Comeback
Since the grim writing was on the wall about the
Iraq outcome, American neocons have been looking for new ways to get
their imperial agenda back on track, with Iran’s nuclear program just
the latest opportunity.
So, Iranian efforts to negotiate confidence-building initiatives
regarding its nuclear program, such as agreeing to a Turkish-Brazilian
plan in 2010 to trade about half of Iran’s low-enriched uranium for
radioactive isotopes needed for medical research, have been blocked by
neocons in Congress and their allies in the Obama administration, with
the support of key U.S. media outlets, like the Washington Post and New
York Times.
The latest shift toward forcing a new war has centered on the insertion
of the word “capability” after the words “nuclear weapons.” The Obama
administration has indicated that it would consider an Iranian decision
to build a nuclear bomb a “red line,” suggesting the possibility of a
military strike at that point.
However, that threat isn’t making the neocons happy because the U.S.
intelligence community is standing by its 2007 conclusion that Iran
halted work on a nuclear bomb in 2003 and hasn’t resumed that effort.
Israeli intelligence apparently has reached the same judgment. Both U.S.
Defense Secretary Leon Panetta and Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak
have referenced this
state-of-play in the intelligence assessments in
recent public remarks, as ex-CIA analyst Ray McGovern has reported.
So, what are the hawks in Israel and the United States to do? Their new
sleight-of-hand has been to quietly shift the terms of reference,
arguing that it doesn’t matter whether Iran is actually working on a
bomb but that it must be denied even the “capability” to work on a bomb.
That is the point of Lieberman’s resolution.
Lieberman’s Allies
In a statement at his Web site, the senator
announced that 32 senators – both Republicans and Democrats – have
banded together to introduce a resolution urging action to prevent Iran
from pushing “forward in its pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability.
… By rejecting any policy that would rely on containment of a
nuclear-weapons capable Iran, this bi-partisan resolution sends a clear
message to Iran’s rulers that the United States will stop them from
acquiring nuclear weapons capability.”
In other words, the next preemptive war could be launched not against
Iran for actually building a bomb or even trying to build a bomb but
rather for simply having the skills that theoretically could be used
sometime in the future to build a bomb. The “red line” has been moved
from some possible future development to arguably what already exists.
Lieberman is co-sponsoring the resolution with Sens. Lindsey Graham
(R-South Carolina) and Bob Casey (D-Pennsylvania), with support from
Orrin Hatch (R-Utah), Barbara Mikulski (D-Maryland), John McCain
(R-Arizona), Kay Bailey Hutchinson (R-Texas), Jim Inhofe (R-Oklahoma),
Ron Wyden (D-Oregon), Susan Collins (R-Maine), Chuck Schumer (D-New
York), Bill Nelson (D-Florida), Ben Nelson (D-Nebraska) Saxby Chambliss
(R-Georgia), John Cornyn (R-Texas), Mark Pryor (D-Arkansas), Bob
Menendez (D-New Jersey), Ben Cardin (D-Maryland), Sherrod Brown
(D-Ohio), Claire McCaskill (D-Missouri), Mark Udall (D-Colorado), Jim
Risch (R-Idaho), Kirsten Gillibrand (D-New York), Scott Brown
(R-Massachusetts), Chris Coons (D-Delaware), Dan Coats (R-Indiana), Rob
Portman (R-Ohio), John Boozman (R-Arizona), Jo
hn Hoeven (R-North
Dakota), Richard Blumenthal (D-Connecticut), Kelly Ayotte (R-New
Hampshire), Dean Heller (R-Nevada).
That group amounts to nearly one-third of the 100-member U.S. Senate.
Robert
Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in the 1980s for the
Associated Press and Newsweek. His latest book, Neck Deep: The
Disastrous Presidency of George W. Bush, was written with two of his
sons, Sam and Nat, and can be ordered at neckdeepbook.com.
His two previous books, Secrecy & Privilege: The Rise of the Bush
Dynasty from Watergate to Iraq and Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the
Press & ‘Project Truth’ are also available there.
*********************************************
On-Line Comments by Akbar Montaser on February 19, 2012 at 10:04 am
The
“famous Senator” Joe Lieberman (CT) is at his game again, not a second
worried about America and its interests. His lies about weapon of mass
destruction in Iraq are patent.
For his information (and his 31 sidekicks), Col. Lawrence Wilkerson
(former Chief of Staff for Secretary of State Colin Powell during and
after the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq) has stated, “This resolution reads
like the same sheet of music that got us into the Iraq war, and could
be the precursor for a war with Iran.” He added, this resolution is
“effectively, a thinly-disguised effort to bless war.” Congressman
Dennis Kucinich courageously told Congress: “We’re Being Lied Into
Another Ir
aq in Iran.”
Importantly, several national security and arms proliferation
experts alert us that this resolution would virtually Prevent President
Obama from diplomacy and dialogue with Iran to avert war. With this
resolution, more American sons and daughters will be slayed or maimed
while wasting our tax dollars. Further, American bombs would again
murder at least 100 thousand innocent people, this time in Iran, just
akin to Iraq.
We are tired of wars after wars; wasting precious resources we need
in America to shelter, heal, feed, and educate our people for a better
America. War is the work of evil doers. The promoters of wars are hired
agents for immoral.
Yet, media “rates” keep broadcasting shameful lies and messages of
hate by wicked agents of our so-called “staunch friends”, Israeli
Rulers. American citizens are peace lovers. The vast majority of
Americans believe direct diplomacy with Iran is the single most
effective way to prevent war and nuclear proliferation.
War is against our national soul. Our government must quit acting like a wolf, and feel the shepherd's love that is filling us.
Respectfully,
Professor Akbar Montaser
The George Washington University
Washington, DC
Homepage: http://home.gwu.edu/~montaser/
From The noble 13th Century Persian Sufi Poet Rumi:
"I go to a synagogue, church, and mosque, and I see the same spirit and the same altar".
Thanks Amestp@aol.com or Montaser@gwu.edu
-
William O. Beeman
Professor and Chair
Department of Anthropology
University of Minnesota
395 HHH Center
301 19th Avenue S.
Minneapolis, MN 55455
(612) 625-3400 wbeeman@umn.edu
Friends, do not fail to read Juan Cole's brilliant analysis
of current politics in Iran--this will NOT appear in the U.S. press,
and the reason it will not is because it defies the current conventional
wisdom on Iran. But Juan is 100% correct in this analysis. Please
forward widely. Everyone needs to read this piece.
Early returns in Iran’s 9th parliamentary election since the 1979 revolution show that Ahmadinejad’s lay populists have taken a drubbing,
and that hard line supporters of clerical Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei
are ascendant. Ahmadinejad’s sister, Parvin, who stood for election
from their own hometown of Garmsar, was defeated, a major blow to the
president.
Western reporters keep saying that the parliamentary results have no
implication for Iran’s nuclear program. But they only say this because
they either don’t pay attention to what Iranian leaders actually say, or
discount their statements as lies (treating them much less respectfully
than they treated notorious fraud Andrew Breitbart in their fluffy
obituaries last week).
““The Iranian nation has never pursued and will never
pursue nuclear weapons. There is no doubt that the decision makers in
the countries opposing us know well that Iran is not after nuclear
weapons because the Islamic Republic, logically, religiously and
theoretically, considers the possession of nuclear weapons a grave sin
and believes the proliferation of such weapons is senseless, destructive
and dangerous.”
Now, you could maintain that Khamenei is lying when he says he holds
that possessing nuclear weapons is a grave sin. (You could also
maintain that the Popes are lying when they say using birth control is a
grave matter, but you’d have to explain why they put their papal
authority on the line for a lie they weren’t forced to utter). But even
if you think it is a lie, you have at least to report what he says.
I guarantee you that Khamenei’s speech opposing nukes was not so much
as mentioned on any of the major American news broadcasts.
Khamenei has also repeatedly said that Iran has a ‘no first strike’
policy, that it will not fire the first shot in any conflict.
And if you hold that Khamenei, as a leading clerical authority, is
being dishonest on this issue, then surely you should offer some proof.
Perhaps he has flip-flopped over time? But no. Here is Khamenei in 2010:
““We have said repeatedly that our religious beliefs and
principles prohibit such weapons as they are the symbol of destruction
of generations. And for this reason we do not believe in weapons and
atomic bombs and do not seek them.”
“They (Western countries) falsely accuse the Islamic
republic’s establishment of producing nuclear weapons. We fundamentally
reject nuclear weapons and prohibit the use and production of nuclear
weapons. This is because of our ideology, not because of politics or
fear of arrogant powers or an onslaught of international propaganda. We
stand firm for our ideology.”
I could go on providing the same sort of quotes going back years.
It seems to me that one implication of pro-Khamenei hard liners
dominating parliament is that the Supreme Leader’s authority has been
enhanced. And he is deploying his authority to forbid the acquisition
of a nuclear warhead.
Warmongers attempting to drag the United States into yet another
ruinous (or, rather, infinitely more ruinous) war in the Middle East
have typically focused their propaganda on the person of President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The president, now nearing the end of his second
and last term, is easy to ridicule and easy to demonize, because of his
quirky personality and colorful gaffes. He has been called a “Hitler”
by Rick Santorum, and the Neoconservatives depict him as a madman bent
on bringing the world to an end. (Ahmadinejad, unlike most
establishment Shiite clerics, thinks that the Muslim promised one or
Mahdi will come soon, and this millenarian belief has been taken
advantage of by Neocons, who inaccurately allege that the belief could
push the president to support apocalyptic policies.) It has been
alleged that Ahmadinejad is a mass-murdering hard liner, seeking nuclear
weapons with which to destroy Israel.
This puzzling emphasis on Ahmadinejad comes despite the president’s
relative lack of power in the Iranian system. The commander in chief of
the armed forces is Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. Who sets nuclear
policy? Ali Khamenei. In Iran, the “president” is more like a vice
president (think Joe Biden) than a real executive.
So, to conclude: Ahmadinejad is not very much like Hitler. He can’t
give an order to the Iranian military independently of Khamenei, who
can over-rule him at will. He can’t make his own pick of cabinet
ministers, and so can’t build up an independent power base. He has been
threatened by parliament. His party lost the 2012 elections big time.
His own sister couldn’t win a seat in their home town. He is a lame
duck. So there is no point in demonizing him, or pretending he has an
atomic bomb, or that he would be the one to deploy a bomb if Iran
possessed one, which it does not.
For the Neoconservatives, the jig is up.
Khamenei’s hand has been significantly strengthened. And he has
signalled to the Iranian people yet again that he won’t use that
strength for belligerent purposes or to pursue a nuclear warhead, which
the Iranian ayatollahs consider a tool of the devil– since you can’t
deploy it without killing large numbers of civilian non-combatants.
That these developments can be commented on in Western media without
Khamenei’s speech being mentioned or it being noted that he strongly
opposes nukes is baffling.
On February 24, 2012, the following interview with Ahmed Tharwat on his cable television show "Belahdan," deals with U.S.-Iranian relations as well as U.S.-Israeli relations and the role of Israel in U.S. Middle East affairs. . <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X5oY0IAjlB4&feature=colike>
There are about two minutes of intro and commercials at the start of the video. The interview is 29 minutes in length
One can contact William O. Beeman, Professor and Chair
of the Department of Anthropology at the University of Minnesota
at 395 HHH Center, on 301 19th Avenue S. in Minneapolis, MN 55455
or by calling (612) 625-3400 or emailing: wbeeman@umn.edu
This is a very long report. Below are some excerpts. Richard Engel is a prize-winning reporter who is fluent in Arabic.
Israel teams with terror group to kill Iran's nuclear scientists, U.S. officials tell NBC News
Thu Feb 9, 2012 6:16 AM EST
By Richard Engel and Robert Windrem
NBC News
**Richard Engel is NBC News' chief foreign correspondent; Robert Windrem is a senior investigative producer.**
Deadly attacks on Iranian nuclear scientists are being carried out by an
Iranian dissident group that is financed, trained and armed by Israel’s
secret service, U.S. officials tell NBC News, confirming charges
leveled by Iran’s leaders.
The group, the People’s Mujahedin of Iran, has long been designated as a
terrorist group by the United States, accused of killing American
servicemen and contractors in the 1970s and supporting the takeover of
the U.S. Embassy in Tehran before breaking with the Iranian mullahs in
1980.
The attacks, which have killed five Iranian nuclear scientists since
2007 and may have destroyed a missile research and development site,
have been carried out in dramatic fashion, with motorcycle-borne
assailants often attaching small magnetic bombs to the exterior of the
victims’ cars.
U.S. officials, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the Obama
administration is aware of the assassination campaign but has no direct
involvement.
The Iranians have no doubt who is responsible – Israel and the People’s
Mujahedin of Iran, known by various acronyms, including MEK, MKO and
PMI.
. . . . .
Israel has long used assassination against its enemies, "hoping that by
taking out individuals, they can alter, change the course of history,"
says Ronen Bergman, an Israeli commentator and author of "Israel's
Secret War with Iran" and an upcoming book tentatively titled "Mossad
and the Art of Assassination."
Bergman said the attacks have three purposes, the most obvious being the
removal of high-ranking scientists and their knowledge. The others:
forcing Iran to increase security for its scientists and facilities and
to spur “white defections.”
He explained the latter this way: “Scientists leaving the project,
afraid that they are going to be next on the assassination list, and
say, ‘We don't want this. Indeed, we get good money, we are promoted,
we are honored by everybody, but we might get killed. It isn't worth
it. Maybe we should go back to teach … in a university.’”
. . . .
For the United States, the alleged role of the MEK is particularly
troublesome. In 1997, the State Department designated it a terrorist
group, justifying it with an unclassified 40-page summary of the
organization’s activities going back more than 25 years. The paper,
sent to Congress in 1998, was written by Wendy Sherman, now
undersecretary of state for political affairs and then an aide to
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright.
The report, which was obtained by NBC News, was unsparing in its
assessment. “The Mujahedin (MEK) collaborated with Ayatollah Khomeini to
overthrow the former shah of Iran,” it said. “As part of that struggle,
they assassinated at least six American citizens, supported the
takeover of the U.S. embassy, and opposed the release of the American
hostages.” In each case, the paper noted, “Bombs were the Mujahedin's
weapon of choice, which they frequently employed against American
targets.”
. . . . .
The MEK and its sister organizations have since the beginning been run
by Massoud and Maryam Rajavi, a husband-wife team who have maintained
tight control despite assassination threats and internal dissent.
Massoud Rajavi, 63, founded the MEK, but since the U.S. invasion of Iraq
has taken a backseat to his wife.
The State Department report describes the Rajavis as “fundamentally
undemocratic” and “not a viable alternative to the current government of
Iran.”
. . . . .
“Internally, the Mujahedin run their organization autocratically,
suppressing dissent and eschewing tolerance of differing viewpoints,” it
said. “Rajavi, who heads the Mojahedin’s political and military wings,
has fostered a cult of personality around himself.”
The U.S. suspicion of the MEK doesn’t end there. Law enforcement
officials have told NBC News that in 1994, the MEK made a pact with
terrorist Ramzi Yousef a year after he masterminded the first attack on
the World Trade Center in New York City. According to the officials,
who spoke on condition of anonymity, Yousef built an 11-pound bomb that
MEK agents placed inside one of Shia Islam’s greatest shrines in Mashad,
Iran, on June 20, 1994. At least 26 people, mostly women and children,
were killed and 200 wounded in the attack.
That connection between Yousef, nephew of 9-11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh
Mohammad, and the MEK was first reported in a book, “The New Jackals,”
by Simon Reeve. NBC News confirmed that Yousef told U.S. law enforcement
that he had worked with the MEK on the bombing.
In recent years, the MEK has said it has renounced violence, but Iranian
officials say that is not true, that killings of Iranians continue.
Still, through some deft lobbying, the group has been able to get the
United Kingdom and the European Union to remove it from their lists of
terrorist groups.
The alleged involvement of the MEK in the assassinations of Iranian
nuclear scientists provides the U.S. with a cloak of deniability
regarding the clandestine killings. Because the U.S. has designated the
MEK as a terrorist organization, neither military nor intelligence units
of the U.S. government, can work with them. “We cannot deal with them,
“ said one senior U.S. official. “We would not deal with them because
of the designation.”
. . . . .
Daniel Byman, a professor in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown
University and also a senior fellow with the Saban Center for Middle
East Policy at the Brookings Institution, said that if the accounts of
the Israeli-MEK assassinations are accurate, the operation borders on
terrorism.
“In theory, states cannot be terrorist, but if they hire locals to do
assassinations, that would be state sponsorship,” said Byman, author of
the recent book, “A High Price: The Triumphs and Failures of Israeli
Counterterrorism.” “You could argue that they took action not to
terrorize the public, the purpose of terrorism, but only the nuclear
community. An argument could also be made that degrading the program
means that you don’t have to take military action and thus, this is a
lower level of violence and that really these are military targets,
where normally terrorist targets are civilians.”
But ultimately, Byman said, there is a “spectrum of responsibility” and that Israel is ultimately responsible.